Hideo Tsuchiyama
Chairman of the Organizing Committee
of Nagasaki Global Citizens' Assembly
for the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons
Today we hereby hold the "third
Nagasaki Global Citizens' Assembly for the Elimination of
Nuclear Weapons." We thank all of you from the NGOs both
from Japan and abroad, and citizens of Nagasaki City for participating
in this Assembly. I welcome you from the bottom of my heart,
as representative of the Organizing Committee.
The nuclear proliferation issue has now
become the greatest matter of interest in the world. The
reason is that a series of incidents have accumulated such
as that North Korea has declared its holding of nuclear
weapons, Iran would not give up experimenting with the enrichment
of uranium in Iran, asserting that it will use nuclear power
for peace, and in addition, India, Pakistan and Israel do
not participate in the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty
(NPT).
Doubtlessly, how to stop nuclear proliferation
is an urgent and extremely important priority issue. However,
in recent years only this point has been emphasized too
much, and the tone of argument as if the prevention of nuclear
proliferation were the final objective has been too much
conspicuous. The danger of such an emphasis is that the
elimination of nuclear weapons, which should be the true
final objective, may be forgotten.
Needless to say, we should remember the
international agreement reached by all member states including
the five nuclear-weapon states at the NPT Review Conference
held in May 2000. "Nuclear-weapon states unequivocally
promise to achieve the total elimination of all nuclear-weapons
that they possess." -This wording in the agreement
contains a strong determination. This was an international
public promise that finally became effected thirty years
after the inauguration of the NPT.
However, the Bush administration has been
strengthening its attitude to ignore or negate this promise
under the pretext of an anti-terrorist war. To justify that
policy, it attempts to bring forward the prevention of nuclear
proliferation and exclusive concentrate discussions on that
point. I think that no non-nuclear-weapon states are objective
against the prevention of nuclear proliferation, either.
However, the reason why we cannot clear our doubts concerning
the diversion of the focus from the elimination of nuclear
power by the Bush administration is that we can see such
an intention. In addition, the remaining four nuclear-weapon
states appear to have decided to remain silent without stating
any objection to the US policy. Why is the idealism of the
USA, that is to say, to establish states of democracy in
the world without allowing states of dictatorship to exist,
not necessarily supported by the peoples in the world? The
reason is that various US policies and especially the nuclear
policy are made under the "double standard," which
is clear to anybody.
India has consistently refused its participation
in the NPT up to today on the grounds that it is an unequal
treaty. India carried out a nuclear experiment in 1998,
and became a nuclear-weapon state in effect. Nevertheless,
the Bush administration deemed India to be an allied state
of China and that of Islam, and also to be a promising atomic
power market, and announced a joint statement for the purpose
of promotion of cooperation for the use of atomic power
for peace in March of this year. The Bush administration
did not persuade India to participate in the NPT, although
Israel has also become a nuclear-weapon state in effect
without participating in the NPT. On the other hand, the
Bush administration is attempting to severely censure Iran
which is signatory to the NPT and has also signed the Additional
Protocol of the International Atomic Energy Agency, although
there is no confirmed evidence that Iran has started development
of nuclear weapons yet. Even if there is a possibility of
challenging attitudes and support of terrorist attacks by
the Iranian government, such a clear double standard should
not be allowed by any means. We demand its prompt withdrawal.
On the other hand, we must point out that
the Japanese government has still remained unchanged from
its old ideas as to its policy of security relating to nuclear
power. The conflict in appealing to the outside for the
elimination of nuclear weapons, while relying on the "nuclear
umbrella", that is to say, the deterrent potential
of nuclear power, of the USA is an undeniable fact that
the Japanese government cannot vindicate. Why then does
the Japanese government continue to stick such an attitude?
The reason is that the Japanese government is concerned
about its direct effect on the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty
and fears that the concept that the U.S.-Japan security
can exist with nuclear power will collapse by discussing
secession from the nuclear umbrella.
The past anti-nuclear movement in Japan
denounced the wrongness of this point in public, but did
not regretfully show a clear idea to deal with this problem.
Triggered by the northeast Asia nuclear-weapon-free zone
plan first proposed in 1995 in the USA by Professor Endicott,
the "Proposal on a Three plus Three Model" was
presented by Mr. Hiromichi Umebayashi of "Peacedepot"
as a more realistic plan in the following year of 1996.
We have had a discussion with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
almost every year on the basis of this proposal. I will
leave details of the "Proposal on a Three plus Three
Model" to the meeting of the Subdivision to be held
tomorrow, but we have asserted that this plan does not require
any direct change to the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty and
is the most appropriate nuclear security policy in this
region including North Korea, and further that it can become
a means for Japan to block a nuclear armament.
However, from the beginning to the end,
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has stuck to its attitude
that the Ministry understands that the northwest Asia nuclear-weapon-free
zone plan is an ideal theory, but that it is not realistic.
Ten years have passed since then. To what extent has the
government policy deemed realistic by the government achieved
a result in this region? The six-nation conference, which
should have persuaded North Korea to abandon the development
of nuclear weapons, has now been completely deadlocked.
We consider that, at this time, this plan is not only an
ideal theory, but an important priority issue which should
be taken up as a more realistic actual solution. We now
would like to ask for a renewed request that the Japanese
government will take a drastic measure in this matter.
By the way, the six Subdivisions which will
hold meetings tomorrow are to analyze the present state
of their respective themes for today. We sincerely desire
from the standpoint of an atomic bombsite that the government
will present concrete practical measures to let us know
how to break the present deadlock in the future on the basis
of such analysis. We, people in an atomic bombsite, are
confident that a horizon will be opened towards the elimination
of nuclear weapons without fail in solidarity with citizens
in and outside Japan and the government of right-minded
states, whatever difficulties lie ahead.
I now would like to conclude my keynote
report, requesting all of you from the bottom of my heart
to cooperate to make this assembly lasting for three days
a place of active NGO like debates without sticking to the
conventional framework and constructive proposals.
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