Dr. J. Enkhsaikhan,　
Director of Blue Banner,
Former Mongolian Ambassador of UN

It gives me a great honor to participate in the work of this prestigious Assembly representing Mongolian peace movements. The Assembly is being held after the disappointing 2005 NPT Review Conference and when multilateral negotiations to reduce the nuclear danger and eliminate nuclear weapons are at a standstill. The NPT regime is being seriously undermined. However, thanks to peace movements and to such meetings there is a growing realization that nuclear weapon is an "absolute evil" and not a "necessary evil" with which we can live. In these circumstances it is very timely that this Assembly addresses these issues in all their aspects and sends unequivocal and concrete messages and recommendations to governments, the United Nations and the international community in general.

No one doubts that the non-proliferation regime needs to be strengthened without delay. Much depends on the policies of recognized nuclear weapons States (the P5). Therefore the Assembly needs to address its message first and foremost to them as well as nuclear aspiring States.

On the other hand there are also areas in nuclear non-proliferation where progress depends to a great extent on non-nuclear-weapon States (NNWSs) themselves that constitute the overwhelming majority of the humankind. With the stalemate in disarmament negotiations and increasing danger of unraveling of the NPT regime the role of NNWSs is not diminishing but rather increasing. One such area is nuclear-weapon-free zones (NWFZs). What are NWFZs? Today 115 NNWSs form part of the vast network of states where there is no room for nuclear weapons or their infrastructure. The network represents more than 2/3 of the membership of the United Nations, in which almost 2 billion people live. Their total area covers almost 50% of the face of the Earth and over 95% of the Southern Hemispheres. Consolidation and further expansions of this network of NWFZs can make a huge difference.

Therefore I would like to commend the organizers of this Assembly for having made arrangements to focus on NWFZs and the nuclear umbrella. Adoption of concrete recommendations could effectively contribute to strengthening the non-proliferation regime and to promoting nuclear disarmament.

The Blue Banner, Mongolian NGO devoted to nuclear non-proliferation, believes that so far NWFZs have not been playing as active role as they could have. These zones can play a very important positive role, since having renounced acquisition of nuclear weapons, banned stationing of such weapons on their territory and rejected 'nuclear umbrella', they have earned not only legal but also a moral right to demand from nuclear-weapon States to take concrete steps for nuclear disarmament. We believe that it is time that states parties to NWFZs not only take active measures to strengthen and expand what they have achieved but also, as representatives of NWFZs, raise their voice and act for nuclear disarmament.

What needs to be done is to consolidate and further expand NWFZs ?

• not all States of the zones have signed or ratified treaties establishing such zones. Thus 10 years have passed since the treaty establishing the African NWFZ has been adopted. However it still has not entered into force. Ratification by African states does not depend on the P5;
  
  
• States of the South-East Asian NWFZ, known as the Bangkok treaty, have not yet acquired the needed security assurances from the P5. They need to work harder together with the P5 to find a mutually acceptable solution. No initiative would come from the side of the P5 in this regard;
  
  
• Central Asian NWFZ treaty has been signed last month. It is the first zone that entirely covers land areas and has the potential even to expand geographically. We all express the hope that the ratification procedure of the treaty and provision by the P5 of nuclear security assurances would follow soon;
  
  
• Meaningful cooperation of states within each zone and cooperation amon
  g these five zones could be effective for practical nuclear non-proliferation. Thus more exchange of practical information, sharing of experience in implementing of the treaties, in enriching them, in verification, improving of compliance mechanisms, undertaking of collective initiatives to further strengthen the network, making joint statements on issues of nuclear security and disarmament, taking joint or parallel measures, addressing the issues of peaceful uses of nuclear energy, etc., could be undertaken. First step towards such cooperation between NWFZs has been taken last year in Mexico city when the states parties to zones agreed to further their cooperation and to that end to establish focal points for each NWFZ as coordinating mechanism for future cooperation. Now additional effective measures need to be taken as a practical follow-up.
  

• Additional, second generation NWFZs need to be established that would exclude still vast areas of the globe from nuclear weapons. However, unlike the existing zones, which have been 'easier' to establish, the new ones would affect more the interests of the P5 and the balance structure of the existing strategic order. In some cases it would mean dismantling of nuclear weapon infrastructure in NNWSs, addressing the issues of 'nuclear umbrella', nuclear sharing and nuclear doctrines. Thus it would require a more innovative, out of the box approach. Ideally, the entire world needs to become nuclear-weapon free, as demanded by peoples of the world and envisaged by the draft model treaty on banning and eliminating nuclear weapons. However, pending full nuclear disarmament, geographical regions and individual states need to create additional credible NWFZs, especially in such regions as the Middle East, North-East Asia, Central Europe and South Asia.
  
  
• In the North-East Asian (NEA) region, to which Mongolia is geopolitically connected, demilitarization of the Korean peninsula is a sine qua non for establishing a regional NWFZ. This will require addressing the issue of the withdrawal of U.S. umbrella and other sensitive issues. The six party talks addressing the issue of de-nuclearizing the Korean peninsula, however it can only be accomplished fully with the establishment of NEA NWFZ, eliminating nuclear weapons and facilities, divesting the nuclear umbrella, providing the necessary and adequate security assurances and establishing a robust verification mechanism. The innovative and flexible approach of establishing of the second generation of NWFZs would be needed.
  
  
• Further expansion would also mean inclusion of individual States in the network of NWFZs. There are over a dozen states, mainly in Asia and Europe, that cannot form part of traditional regional zones. They should not be left out nor discriminated. That is why Mongolia is working for having individual States, that for geographical or geo-political reasons cannot form part of regional NWFZs, create internationally recognized single-State zones. It is said that safety is in numbers. Individual States need nuclear security assurances more than those that form part of a geographical political group. No 'blind spot' should be left unattended. None of these individual states wants to be involved in nuclear planning and thus become object of nuclear targeting and pressures. The safety of these 'blind spots', on the other hand, would contribute to regional stability, predictability and regional security.
  
  
• As for my country, Mongolia declared its territory a NWFZ in 1992 when the last soviet/Russian troops left the country. In the past 14 years it was able to have its nuclear-weapon-free status welcomed and accepted by UN. In February 2000 Mongolia adopted national legislation defining its single-State NWFS, while in October of that year the P5 have provided it with political security assurances. At present it is working to institutionalize that status internationally, thus making it the first single-State NWFZ.

The Blue Banner believes that there is an enormous potential in NWFZs. It expresses the hope that this Nagasaki Assembly would mark an important milestone in untapping this enormous potential, building effective coalitions and thus practically contributing to strengthening the non-proliferation regime and practical nuclear disarmament.