Workshop1　

Nuclear Free Local Authorities Forum

1. Identification of issues
Noboru Tasaki, Coordinator

As we can see from the dropping of atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, it is cities and towns that come under attack first if a nuclear war broke out, and ordinary citizens living in those places are the ones who become the victims. Consequently, the significance of nuclear-free declarations made by local authorities is that in order to preserve residents' safety and peace they, as municipalities, have expressed their will with regard to the prevention of nuclear war and the elimination of nuclear weapons.
In 1979, the United States and NATO decided to deploy Pershing II missiles in Western Europe in order to counter Soviet SS-20 nuclear missiles. Protest movements by citizens in Britain, Germany, the Netherlands, and other countries in Western Europe occurred in response. Their opposition stemmed from the danger that their own communities would become battlefields in a nuclear war.
With the anti-nuclear movement becoming a trend, the city of Manchester in Britain declared that it should be a nuclear-free zone. Prompted by that, the nuclear-free declaration movement spread from Britain to other West European countries and then to Australia, New Zealand, and even Japan. The number of local authorities in Japan making nuclear-free declarations grew by leaps and bounds in the 1980s, and at the movement's peak the percentage of nuclear-free local authorities among all local authorities in the country topped 80%.
One wonders, though, whether activities commensurate with that 80% figure are being carried out. Likewise, are activities confined solely to local authorities? I will identify three issues in this regard.
For the first issue, we will go back to the origin of nuclear-free declarations. The aim of the declaration made by Manchester in Britain was twofold: to express the city's will with regard to opposing nuclear weapons and to spread the nuclear-free declaration movement throughout Britain and put pressure on the government to abandon the deployment of nuclear missiles. Our challenge today, I believe, is to keep our nuclear-free and peace activities from being limited to just our own local authorities and instead expand them throughout Japan. In New Zealand, for instance, the Nuclear Free Law has been enacted. While the Japanese Diet passed a resolution adopting our nation's Three Non-Nuclear Principles, nothing has been signed into law. I think that the critical goal of our movement ought to be calling on the government of Japan to undertake the legislation of the Three Non-Nuclear Principles and the establishment of a Northeast Asia Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone.
The second issue is that I question the extent to which local authorities in Japan can promote their own peace activities as well as residents' initiatives at a time when municipalities around the country are faced with issues related to municipal mergers plus administrative and budgetary problems. This question was also discussed three years ago at the 2nd Nagasaki Global Citizens' Assembly for the Elimination of Nuclear Weapons. As a result of the merger of cities, towns, and villages, the total number of local authorities has of course dropped, and nuclear-free local authorities have also decreased. Even so, the proportion of nuclear-free local authorities among all local governing bodies - in other words, the declaration ratio - has fallen from 82% to 72%. Meanwhile, the ratio of local authorities belonging to the National Council of Japan Nuclear Free Local Authorities (Japan NFLA Council) is instead on the rise, and in my assessment this represents the fruit of that Council's efforts. As municipalities grapple with administrative and budgetary challenges and other problems, including personnel reductions, I think it would be helpful to hear from those in local authorities and is directly involved in peace administration.
The third issue is related to local authorities in Japan forming ties with nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in other countries. I believe that this assembly will serve as a springboard for links with overseas NGOs. Additionally, the secretariat of Mayors for Peace (MfP), an organization endorsed by approximately 1,400 cities overseas, is located in the city of Hiroshima. Furthermore, the secretariat of the Japan NFLA Council, to which 217 of the country's local authorities belong, is located in the city of Nagasaki. These two organizations are already carrying out several joint projects, and further reinforcement of these kinds of ties is desirable.

2. Keynote report
Felicity Hill, Coordinator

International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN)
Municipalities are acting in a more assertive and bolder manner than central governments as they address matters of concern to different people. In Australia, 115 local authorities have made nuclear-free declarations since 1977. Thanks to MfP educational campaign activities, NGOs in Australia are enthusiastically cooperating with these local authorities.
I am presently involved in a new campaign. It is a new crusade by International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW), the organization that was awarded the 1985 Nobel Peace Prize. This new campaign is called the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons, or ICAN for short. The acronym ICAN is equivalent to the Japanese-language phrase "watakushi mo dekiru," which means, "I can do it, too." I think that our use of the acronym ICAN as the name of this campaign enables us to convey our truly strong conviction and strong hope that the elimination of nuclear weapons is possible.

The first of three essential elements of disarmament activities: democracy
Democracy is a concept that is essential for NGOs so that people's opinions can be expressed. The obstruction of freedom of expression even in a climate of democracy means that the very existence of NGOs is in jeopardy. Instances when the general opinion of many people is disregarded and when major demonstrations representing the views of the majority of people are ignored by the government are truly examples of not being a democracy. When decisions to pursue the development of nuclear weapons have been made, this has frequently happened without cabinet, legislative, or public approval.
By contrast, disarmament is democratic. The majority of ordinary citizens, as well as most governments, desire disarmament. Last year Greenpeace conducted a public opinion poll in Europe. The outcome was such that people representing 80% to 90% of the population responded that they did not want nuclear weapons. They replied that they also did not want NATO weapons. Sometimes we, as NGOs, must speak out in an extremely vocal manner. But there are also often times when our message still does not gain widespread acceptance or that governments are not receptive to it. But that represents the democratic will of the people.

The second element: patience
Sometimes plans do not progress as expected, and we also doubt whether we are really making any headway. In actuality, though, we are moving forward. At the peak of the Cold War period there were 68,000 nuclear weapons, and at present this figure has decreased to 27,000. Granted, newly produced nuclear weapons are more powerful than older types. However, in terms of their quantity we are heading closer to zero. Now this declining trend is at risk. This is due to the fact that, based on a new military doctrine, nuclear weapons are being reassessed and new nuclear arms are being developed. The nuclear arms race could restart if we do not become even more vocal while continuing to promote views related to nuclear disarmament. We, the physicians of the IPPNW, have decided that we will also carry out activities in our own original way within our respective spheres. I believe that cumulative efforts of this kind are likely to enable us to come to a new turning point toward disarmament. And now I will talk about the nature of this turning point.

The third element: the turning point
When I refer to this turning point I mean a juncture in time when a multiplicity of ideas will become evident, then will become reality, and then will be truly influential. And when can we expect to see this breakthrough in connection with disarmament? Although I cannot answer that with a specific date, my sense now is that the turning point is on the horizon. My feeling about this breakthrough is that it will come at a time when three things transpire. First, it will occur when the leading actors, that is, people gathered from various areas of expertise and communities, have begun to address the issue of disarmament. Second, while frequently operating on an individual basis, these actors will not be solo players but will work cooperatively and collaboratively while moving forward in the further pursuit of our demands. Third, the turning point will occur at a time when the disarmament issue is comprehended in humanistic words, a time when this issue is understood in such a way that hibakusha, that is, atomic bomb sufferers, the nuclear victims, can be visualized.

Conclusion
By way of conclusion, I think that disarmament is inevitable, that disarmament can happen, and that it probably will happen down the road. We currently possess weapons of mass destruction. Meanwhile, we must undertake the mass collective renunciation of weapons. As our own goal, we are working for the creation of a treaty that prohibits nuclear weapons. This very treaty is the goal that we aim to achieve, and it will serve as the legal instrument for putting into practice the technical process of disarmament.

3. Panel discussion

(1) The nuclear-free declaration movement in New Zealand and the role of local authorities
Alyn Ware

Nuclear-free declarations by local authorities in New Zealand and the Nuclear Free Law
New Zealand, like Japan, has been a U.S. ally for many years. After World War II its military relationship with the United States was reinforced through ANZUS, the Security Treaty Between Australia, New Zealand and the United States of America. As part of this military relationship American nuclear carriers docked at ports in New Zealand (in particular, this docking peaked from 1978 to 1984). With concern about the impact of the testing of nuclear weapons in the South Pacific and anxiety about the prospect of nuclear war on the rise, the docking of American nuclear carriers became the focus of protests by the people of New Zealand. In the event of a nuclear war a nuclear carrier could become a target, and people feared the New Zealand might also become a target at the same time.
Peace groups asked the government to prohibit nuclear weapons from being brought into port, but the government and most of the public supported the docking of carriers. In 1980 peace groups decided to undertake the nationwide expansion of nuclear-free local authorities as a method for educating many people about the danger of nuclear weapons and building up political support for the anti-nuclear movement. Initially, this initiative began with individuals declaring that their own residences were nuclear-free homes by putting up nuclear-free declaration stickers. Next they widened the scope of the declarations to encompass their own workplaces and schools and then cities.
The most significant impact of nuclear-free declarations is that they built national support for the elimination of nuclear weapons. As of 1978 more than half of the public supported the docking of American nuclear carriers, and 39% even approved of the utilization of nuclear weapons for New Zealand's national defense. In 1984, however, 58% were opposed to the docking, and the approval rate was a mere 30%. Plus, 66% of the nation's people were living in cities that had made nuclear-free declarations.
Against the backdrop of this sort of public sentiment about the banning of nuclear wars, the Labour Party carried out its election campaign in 1984 and changed New Zealand's policy to one prohibiting the docking of nuclear carriers. Support for the anti-nuclear movement further grew. A public opinion poll in 1986 showed 92% opposing nuclear weapons being brought into New Zealand and 69% against the docking of nuclear carriers, while 92% supported the promotion of nuclear disarmament through the United Nations, and 88% were in favor of the nuclear-free declaration movement. Up to the present time Labour Party administrations have had an anti-nuclear policy, but presumably they would not have been able to stand up to American pressure and maintain this type of policy without clear public support.
In Japan, as in New Zealand, the nuclear-free declaration movement is active. In New Zealand's case, though, this trend assumed tangible form in policy shifts by all of the major parties as they moved in the direction of prohibiting nuclear weapons. Namely, this trend translated into the enactment of the New Zealand Nuclear Free Zone, Disarmament and Arms Control Act (the Nuclear Free Law). That has not yet materialized in Japan's case. While Japan's political parties generally support multilateral nuclear disarmament, their support does not extend to the banning of nuclear weapons by law. In actuality, some Japanese political parties support a policy of Japan being protected by American nuclear weapons.
The establishment of a chapter in Japan of the Parliamentary Network for Nuclear Disarmament (PNND) provides a forum for non-partisan dialogue for the purpose of promoting the prohibition of nuclear weapons. Moreover, the Japan NFLA Council is able to work with the PNND in Japan to appeal for a non-partisan policy shift oriented toward rejecting nuclear deterrence and prohibiting nuclear weapons from being brought into Japan.

Efforts for nuclear weapon-free zones in various areas
One of the difficulties of getting Japanese political parties to make a change and reject nuclear deterrence stems from the fact that Japan is situated alongside China, Russia, and North Korea, which are neighboring countries that are actual or potential nuclear powers. For this reason I think that it is significant for peace activists and individuals involved with nuclear-free local authorities who are in attendance today to turn their attention to the proposal for the establishment of a Northeast Asia Nuclear-Free Zone. Through forums for non-partisan dialogue such as the PNND in Japan, Japan's nuclear-free local authorities can play a critical role in the promotion of discussion at the national government level on the basis of this proposal.

Other cooperative action
In May 2005 the MfP and the PNND announced a joint appeal by mayors and lawmakers seeking non-partisan talks oriented toward the achievement of a world without any nuclear weapons. In April of this year the Japan NFLA Council also affirmed this appeal. Along with welcoming collaboration by the Japan NFLA Council, the PNND, and the MfP, I am convinced that their efforts to work together will produce a major impact on nuclear disarmament.

Conclusion
In today's globalized context, security concerns are no longer a matter of governmental prerogative. Cities are taking action to address global-scale problems such as climate change, poverty, terrorism, and the nuclear threat. The political impact of that will probably be further reinforced when cities work together with lawmakers, NGOs, and other parties that are major forces for action. I believe that this conference provides an excellent forum for dialogue in the pursuit of the development of these kinds of collaborative ties and the promotion of effective disarmament strategies.

(2) The role of local authorities in nuclear-free and peace movements
Mie University Professor Katsuya Kodama

Local authorities as the new actors
Local authorities are being recognized as new entities for peace and are taking action in that capacity. According to an orthodox international relations theory, the actors that moved the world were sovereign nations. Now, though, there is growing recognition that the cast of characters is also expanding to encompass parties other than nations, such as international organizations, business corporations, international NGOs, and local governments.
During the course of globalization, a number of international factors have come into existence as we have gone about our lives in our own communities. Given that, the question of how our communities themselves ought to approach international issues is of course becoming important. That sort of thinking notwithstanding, the present state of affairs of local authorities' international activities and peace operations is affected by stringent financial circumstances and the issue of municipal mergers. The question of whether or not to be part of a merger has been a major issue, and peace and international issues have been deferred until later. We, too, need to consider how to cope with this situation. But the way of thinking with regard to activities is also problematic. 10 or 15 years ago, local authorities in Japan still had fairly good-sized budgets. Some of these local authorities were engaging in an array of activities, such as forming international sister city ties. I have done some investigating of those activities. To give an example, the cities of Nagoya and Los Angeles are linked. While Nagoya provides an ample budget for their tie-up, Los Angeles does not budget for it at all. Instead, for each sister city relationship that Los Angeles has, there is an NGO whose purpose is to carry out activities for that tie-up. In each case, office space is available in Los Angeles City Hall, and with that as their network, the sister city NGOs raise money and conduct activities. So the way of thinking was different from the outset.
I think we will see a major trend of individual local authorities coming together to explore the form in which they will participate as actors within the international community even as they operate on a limited budget.

The potential for local revitalization
What does it mean for local authorities to engage in peace undertakings and to carry out international activities? This is a frequently asked question. This issue is tied in with the major challenges that besiege us, including peace, the global environment, and the North-South problem. Consider, for example, the possession of nuclear weapons by North Korea. One cannot simply say that Nagasaki does not have to do anything at all since the problem is not one within the city. If the situation does turn into a problem, our lives will feel the impact immediately. And if that is the case, something must be done about it.
We have heard about economic development, social development, and, more recently, human development. There is another expression that I have started to use, the term "development of hope." The atomic bomb is a force that crushes all hope, a force that causes people to lose hope. So how do peace activities fit into that? I believe that they might be an avenue for the renewal of hope that has been lost and the creation of fresh hope. In my opinion, when communities as well as local authorities become involved in international activities, they are truly taking part in activities for the development of hope. By that I mean that we, as communities, should not think that we are unable to do anything in response to changes taking place within international society. We must instead ask what we can do in the midst of such changes, how we can alter our lives, how we can get our governments to take action, and how we can enter into international society.

The governmental approach
The way in which governments become involved is also problematic. The style up to now in Japan has been for governments to plan peace activities and other undertakings largely on their own, drawing on fairly good budgets for this purpose, and then invite groups in the private sector to take part. But circumstances forcing a radical change in that practice have surfaced.
First, local authorities themselves can no longer afford to follow the style that has been the norm until now. Along with that, Japan has experienced the emergence of systems ensuring that citizens, who are the key, are not impaired in terms of feeling powerless and uninvolved. The Nagasaki Global Citizens' Assembly represents a way of thinking characteristic of the private sector. Though the city of Nagasaki and Nagasaki Prefecture provide funds, this event is essentially administered on a private-sector basis. This way of thinking is truly important. In my mind, the crucial question is the extent to which citizens and local authorities can join forces and work together on issues that include but are not limited to the issue of peace.
Another important point concerns the core of information networks. If asked about the roles played by local authorities and their staff members, I would say that until now these municipalities and their personnel have operated at the center and been the main actors in the staging of events. I think that from now on, though, these local authorities and their employees will have to concentrate on functioning in a coordinator capacity.
My final point is that international collaboration is likely to become of paramount importance for local authorities. Globalization has been progressing more and more since the arrival of the 21st century. This globalization also has a downside, for signs that the weak are being trampled upon are becoming visible, too. In that context, I believe that the current state of affairs calls for a scenario in which the citizen side can control this globalization and can form its core. Local authorities are being required to make a shift. Rather than confining themselves within a single region, they need to form networks and make their full-fledged entry into today's international society.
In the course of carrying out such activities, we ourselves will be able to feel hope both as individuals and as local authorities and will also be able to figure out what to do to create hope. In order to do that, I think that, along with the "I CAN" spirit that Ms. Hill explained in terms of an individual person being able to do something, there is also a "WE CAN" aspect. In other words, I believe that it is important to consider how to create solidarity with everyone working together.

(3) The approach to the nuclear-free cities movement being taken by the Association for a Non-Nuclear Government
Tatsuya Kawaguchi, Secretary General, Association for a Non-Nuclear Government in Nagasaki

The origin of the Association for a Non-Nuclear Government
This year marks the 20th year since the formation of the Association for a Non-Nuclear Government (ANNG). Two decades ago, around the middle of the 1980s, some 70,000 nuclear warheads were deployed around the world as a result of the nuclear arms race, which chiefly involved the United States and the Soviet Union. The prevention of nuclear war and the elimination of nuclear weapons became urgent challenges for all humankind at that time. The ANNG was formed by groups and individuals from all walks of life and every level of society that were deeply troubled by this state of affairs. The objective of this association is to aim at opposing the Japanese government's nuclear weapons policy, at heightening public awareness, and at achieving a non-nuclear government that will implement a five-item non-nuclear agenda. This five-item agenda includes (1) making the prevention of nuclear war and the elimination of nuclear weapons a reality, (2) ensuring strict observance of the Three Non-Nuclear Principles, and (3) preventing Japan from turning into a nuclear battlefield.

The activities of the Nagasaki chapter of the ANNG: aiming for nuclear-free declarations by 100% of local authorities
The Nagasaki chapter of the ANNG was launched the year after the nationwide association was formed, and this is our 19th year. As a chapter in a prefecture that experienced atomic bombing, we have been putting effort into the realization of the five-item non-nuclear agenda and in particular, into the nuclear-free local authorities movement.
At the time of our establishment ,Nagasaki was lagging far behind nationwide progress in terms of local authorities making nuclear-free declarations. Of the 80 local authorities in Nagasaki Prefecture, a scant eight towns, including Obama, had become nuclear-free local authorities. With the aim of realizing full participation in the nuclear-free local authorities movement, we repeatedly lobbied and petitioned local authorities in the prefecture, going out in teams of three or four to meet personally with municipal mayors and assembly members. Our goal of having all local authorities make nuclear-free declarations was realized in March 1999.
After that, though, the number of local authorities in Nagasaki Prefecture changed due to the "Great Merger of the Showa Era" [occurring around 2006, this was Japan's third wave of municipal mergers] being implemented here as well. As a result, 9 new cities and 1 new town were created, and the number of local authorities dropped to 24. The situation was such that prior declarations became invalid as mergers moved forward, and there was a major regression from the 100% level.
We were strongly determined that having voids and regression in nuclear-free and peace administration was not acceptable. So prior to the mergers we embarked on activities to secure a new round of declarations. As a result of that the municipal assembly of the city of Minamishimabara, which was established on March 31 of this year, approved its Peace City Declaration last July 20. With that, we were able to restore full participation in the nuclear-free declaration movement by local authorities in Nagasaki Prefecture.

Programs for peace amid municipal mergers and budget constraints
In the meantime, a very serious situation has been developing in terms of the status of some of these local authorities. Even though they have made nuclear-free declarations, some are unable to carry out projects because of municipal mergers and financial difficulties, and some are not being allowed to join the Japan NFLA Council. On the other hand, there are also some municipalities that are making efforts despite their tight financial circumstances. Adopting the attitude that nuclear-free and peace projects are important given the prefecture's atomic bombing experience, they are working, for instance, to enhance measures and policies.
From the fiscal 2000, we initiated a questionnaire pertaining to nuclear-free and peace administration. The fiscal 2006 questionnaire results reveal two main characteristics. First, with regard to "nuclear-free and peace" budgeting, 20 local authorities (83.88%) responded with either "we have a budget for this" or "we provide funds for this out of general expenses," while 4 local authorities (16.12%) gave the response "we do not budget for this." The two percentages are roughly the same as in fiscal 2005, and responses indicating that funds are budgeted have advanced about 50 percentage points compared with the fiscal 2000 results. Second, according to a breakdown of what respondents indicated about their specific measures and policies, the top answer was "we conduct a peace awareness campaign through this local authority's public information sheet, distribute pamphlets, and so forth." Twelve local authorities (50.00%) selected this response. The second spot was shared by two responses, each given by 11 local authorities (45.83%): "we listen to hibakusha as they talk about their experiences related to the atomic bombing and the war" and "we organize a peace rally where we conduct activities that include displaying posters (on subjects such as war and the atomic bombing)." The four responses that shared the number three spot included "we organize a peace cultural festival and carry out peace education in cooperation with community centers, schools, nursery schools, and so on," "we organize field trips to the Nagasaki Atomic Bomb Museum and tours of the A-bomb remains and monument," and "we have joined the National Council of Japan Nuclear Free Local Authorities."
Of the 21 possible responses related to specific measures and policies, the percentage of respondents selecting 20 of them has been increasing compared with the results of the fiscal 2000 questionnaire. Overall, the percentages alone indicate that a certain amount of progress is being made, although there are also still some shortcomings.

What we need to do now
The circumstances surrounding the financial and administrative aspects of municipalities are extremely severe, and the nuclear-free local authorities movement is facing a new test.
From this point on the challenges for those on the movement side will be (1) to further expand cooperation with residents and put effort into the development of the movement from a grass-roots position, (2) to visit nuclear-free local authorities, exchange opinions, and request, for example, the enhancement of measures and policies, (3) to go beyond nuclear-free declarations and aim at the enactment of nuclear-free ordinances, and (4) to appeal to the assemblies of all local authorities to adopt a statement calling for the promotion of the conclusion of an international convention on the complete prohibition and elimination of nuclear weapons.
The challenges on the local authorities side will include the following five points: (1) position nuclear-free and peace projects as one of the administrative cores for local authorities in a prefecture that has experienced atomic bombing, (2) join the Japan NFLA Council and broaden cooperation among local authorities, (3) strive to put the 2020 Vision being advocated by the MfP into practice and carry out various forms of activities that are conducted solely by local authorities or are undertaken jointly with local residents, (4) in the event that major issues arise in the nuclear-free and peace sphere, immediately communicate with the government and express positions on those issues from the perspective of residents, and (5) work on exchanges and solidarity with nuclear-free local authorities around the world.

(4) The city of Fujisawa's Declaration for Peace and the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons and peace project development
Akihiko Aoki, City of Fujisawa

Declaration for Peace and the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons
The city of Fujisawa has made its Declaration for Peace and the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons and has enacted the Peace Fund Ordinance and the Ordinance Concerning the Promotion of Peace and the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons. The first of these, the Declaration for Peace and the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons, dates back to just before the Second United Nations Special Session on Disarmament in June 1982, a time of mounting public sentiment that included the presentation to the city of a petition signed by 7,000 people seeking the enactment of a municipal declaration concerning the elimination of nuclear weapons. Fujisawa's mayor proposed the Declaration for Peace and the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons on June 21, 1982, and the municipal assembly then voted unanimously to pass it.

Peace Fund Ordinance
After the passage of the ordinance, Fujisawa decided to establish a fund and then use the profits from it for project expenses so that peace projects could be promoted in a stable and continuous manner. The Fujisawa City Peace Fund Ordinance was proposed and then passed by the municipal assembly in February 1989. Fujisawa set aside 459.6 million yen over a period of three years, and starting in 1990, it was able to implement peace projects funded by the interest that was generated by the fund. Given the low interest rates lately, though, the situation has been such that the city has been forced to undertake projects financed by eroding the fund's capital.

Ordinance Concerning the Promotion of Peace and the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons
While Fujisawa's peace projects expanded as a result of the city's Declaration for Peace and the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons and its Peace Fund Ordinance, the city took further action in response to another surge of public sentiment with the approach of 1995, the year marking the passage of 50 years since the atomic bombing. Multiple petitions calling for the passage of an ordinance were presented, and in December 1994 the municipal assembly voted unanimously to endorse the spirit of those petitions. Following that, in January 1995 the city took steps toward the development of an ordinance by establishing an informal ordinance exploratory committee whose members included people of learning and experience. Input from this committee was then incorporated as Fujisawa embarked on the task of preparing a draft ordinance. In February 1995 a proposal for it was submitted to the municipal assembly, and the ordinance was unanimously approved.

Peace projects
Every year Fujisawa sends 40 of its elementary, middle, and high school students to attend the Youth Peace Forum, which is sponsored by the city of Nagasaki, and learn about the importance of peace. Moreover, since 2001 the city of Fujisawa has also been organizing A-bomb experience talks. For these sessions, the city invites hibakusha ,who experienced the bombing of Nagasaki to come and speak at primary and middle schools in Fujisawa. Other than those activities, the city also organizes events for ordinary citizens. These include a public rally to commemorate the constitution, the "Peace Ring" bus tour, which features stops at the Peace Museum and elsewhere, and local peace projects carried out jointly with local community centers. The format for these undertakings is such that the city's Circle of Peace Expansion Steering Committee, a committee made up of citizens selected through an open application process, has been established, and citizens and the municipal government implement peace projects jointly.

Collaboration with local authorities in Japan and overseas
Fujisawa's collaboration with other local authorities in Japan takes various forms. For example, we belong to the Japan NFLA Council and, as part of its crusade against the testing of nuclear weapons, we attend workshops, carry out exchanges of information, and engage in other activities. Additionally, our involvement in the Kanagawa Prefecture NFLA Liaison Council includes organizing workshops and exchanging information. One example of the way that we collaborate with local authorities overseas was our mayor's participation in the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference held in New York City in May 2005. Responding favorably to an MfP appeal, the mayor of Fujisawa went to New York and took part in activities that included lobbying for the elimination of nuclear weapons. Furthermore, the mayor also attended the General Conference of Mayors for Peace held in Hiroshima in August 2005. Our peace projects are chiefly undertakings carried out with the aforementioned Circle of Peace Expansion Steering Committee, a group of publicly solicited citizens. But we also believe that collaboration with other parties in the community is important, too. From that standpoint, we have recently been endeavoring to broaden our peace projects by also collaborating with PTA groups, youth development organizations, and so forth.

4. Reports from the floor

Report by Aaron Tovish, International Coordinator, Mayors for Peace
Mr. Tovish described the activities of Mayors for Peace and the 2020 Vision Campaign, an MfP campaign calling for the realization of the elimination of nuclear weapons by the year 2020. He also emphasized the importance of collaboration among mayors, local authorities, and NGOs. Additionally, at the request of MfP President and Hiroshima Mayor Tadatoshi Akiba, he expressed the desire that the adoption of a United States Conference of Mayors resolution calling for cities to be spared as the targets of nuclear strikes also be promoted in Japanese cities.

Report by Tatsuo Takahashi, City of Uji, Kyoto Prefecture
Basing his remarks on materials distributed at the conference site, Mr. Takahashi reported on Uji's Peace City Declaration (1987) and the present status of the city's peace projects. These projects are chiefly implemented by the Peace City Promotion Council, a group made up of 16 organizations. He explained that Uji is endeavoring to instill a heightened awareness of peace in young persons who will lead the next generation. The city therefore sends annual peace delegations that consist of 40 primary school students and 40 middle school students to visit three alternating cities: Hiroshima, Nagasaki, and Naha in Okinawa Prefecture.

5. Questions and answers

Based on written questions submitted by workshop attendees during the break time, the coordinators and panelists responded to inquiries received from several people. In response to a question about cooperation between citizens and local authorities, it was suggested that the citizen side encourage local authorities to hold workshops and seminars, while local authorities were advised that they should focus on hands-on events instead of participant mobilization.
The response to a question concerning the education of citizens drew on an example, the current development of Australian educational resources about nuclear weapons. The people working on those resources want to prepare learning materials that incorporate elements of hope and humor, and not the kind produced in the 1980s that emphasized just the threat of nuclear weapons.
Noting the need for collaboration by NGOs, mayors, and nuclear-free local authorities in order to promote a Northeast Asia Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone, one workshop participant asked for specific advice on how to proceed. One response was to propose that those on the citizen side approach local authorities and voice the desire to work on this kind of movement. Additionally, the process that ultimately led to the enactment of New Zealand's Nuclear Free Law was cited as a successful example. That process began with peace groups approaching individual local authorities about nuclear-free declarations and then moving on to the next step, which was to appeal to New Zealand's government and members of parliament.
There were also questions concerning a Japanese cabinet minister's statement about tolerating the possession of nuclear weapons, the People Protection Law, and the present status of the Japan NFLA Council, whose membership consists of only 20% of local authorities nationwide. Due to time constraints, though, these questions were not addressed but only read aloud.

6. Summation

Comments by Felicity Hill
(Excerpted from the workshop report given during the Closing Assembly)
NGOs and nuclear-free local authorities came together in this workshop in order to exchange opinions related to their respective views and plans for activities. The budgetary limitations of local authorities were cited as a very real issue. At the same time, however, it was also pointed out that through their many years of activities up to now local authorities have come to be recognized as actors that are also internationally influential. Several suggestions were made for strengthening the activities of nuclear-free local authorities. For instance, stepped-up collaboration with NGOs in Japan and overseas must be encouraged, and our activities against nuclear weapons, which are activities that strike terror in people's hearts, make them feel hopeless, and at times demotivate them, ought to be infused with humor and hope. Moreover, it was also recommended that the Japan NFLA Council contact the Japan Association of Mayors and request that it work on getting municipalities to enact a resolution calling on nuclear powers to refrain from targeting cities.